These forces along with other elements, who feared my independence, forced me out of my job at
Chattanooga State. I refused an offer for another job made by the power
structure because it was evident that I would come under their control.
I decided to enter a doctoral program in political
science. I concluded that there were many unanswered questions in Chattanooga.
My effort to study political science on a higher level was hopefully one way to
answer some of these questions. At this point I was sure that as much study as
possible was necessary to try to make some sense of the political situation in
Chattanooga. Because before the experiences as a precinct chairman I had
thought there were at least a few independent leaders in the Black community.
But, by the time I left Chattanooga State I couldn't find any independent
leader in all of Chattanooga. I was very perplexed and confused. How could all
of these people work against the Black and poor that they claim to represent?
I entered Atlanta University in January of 1980. I
completed all course work and passed my oral and comprehensive exams by 1982.
At this time my letters of recommendations from various faculty members noted
that I was an outstanding student with great potential as a scholar in the
fields of political science and history.
Even though I had observed that the department of
political science at Atlanta University had a history of unnecessarily
detaining students, I felt my hard work and dedication would win in the end.
But in an effort to counter the unnecessary hold ups by the department and
bring more credit to my dissertation committee I went outside the department.
To do this I sought expertise from a qualified
scholar, historian and writer. At this time Dr. Gerald W. Patton was the
Chairman of the Black Studies Department at Washington University in St. Louis.
He was born and raised in Chattanooga, had written extensively in journals and
had a least one book to his credit. Dr. Patton also is my brother, I made this
factor known to the department and they accepted Dr. Patton as the fourth
reader on my dissertation committee.
But after five to six years of re‑writing
and exhausting the university review and grievance processes my dissertation
was in limbo. The department has never made a clear criticism of the research
that could be corrected. I, of course, was willing to change the title, change
chapters and even do another project to complete my work. By 1987 I gave up on
completing the work for a doctoral degree in political science.
In 1989 I was asked by the publisher and editor of
a small Black newspaper in Chattanooga to be their political analyst. They had
become aware of the research I had done on Black politics in Chattanooga and
felt that I could make an analysis of the city's ongoing political dynamics. Of
special concern was the federal lawsuit challenging the commission system of
government that had entered the federal courts in 1987.
The historical development of this manuscript
concludes with the passing of the commission form of government in 1990. Some
of my writings with the Chattanooga News Weekly that chronicled the transition
to the new government have been added to the project. Also certain other data
that examines corruption concludes the research. The tone of many of the
articles listed in chapter eight gives further insight regarding how this
project has developed over time.
By 1987 Blacks in Chattanooga filed a federal
lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the commission form of
government. The Black plaintiffs claimed
that commissioners were elected at‑large, thus,
they were deprived of equal representation due to the Black population.
After a long court battle, Federal Judge Allan
Edgar (1989) ruled that the commission system was unconstitutional. This set
the stage for a councilmatic city government elected
by districts. Nine districts were proposed, with Blacks eventually electing four
Black representatives.
The presence of Black people in electoral politics
was first witnessed during the Reconstruction era, 1865 to 1875. The decade
after the Civil War saw Blacks elected to serve in government on the local,
state and national levels.
In Chattanooga, as elsewhere in the South, Black
electoral participation was not short-lived. The coming of Jim Crow after the
ten-year Reconstruction era legalized discrimination and segregation in most
southern cities and Black political potential was harnessed. But, in
Chattanooga Blacks had an independent political posture until 1911.
In view of the increasing Black political
potential after Reconstruction, a system arose that (motivated by the economics
of racism and Jim Crow) would cause the control and manipulation of the Black
vote. If not for the Black Conspiracy this effort to control the Black vote
would not be successful. Over the years the Black Conspiracy has been
spearheaded by ward chairmen, precinct chairmen, Black appointed leaders, ministers
and Black elected officials.
The contemporary political scheme continues to
involve the Black Conspiracy in an ongoing effort to exploit the Black
electorate. A series of court decisions that give constitutional guarantees to
Blacks eventually would redefine the role of the Black Conspiracy. Thurgood
Marshall headed an NAACP legal team that made successful arguments to the
Supreme Court. In the process segregation and separate but equal was ruled
unconstitutional by the court on May 17, 1954.
By 1960 the Democratic and Republican Party
platforms all alluded to the essence of equal access. The Democrats were firm
in their campaign rhetoric. They pledged to use the full powers provided in the
Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960 to secure for all Americans, the right to
vote. They further agreed to support whatever action that was necessary to
eliminate literacy tests and the payment of poll taxes as requirements for
voting.
On the local level, a sit-in demonstration held on
February 15, 1960 in Chattanooga, led to a race riot. Eventually, the right to
public accommodations and employment were legalized for Blacks with the passage
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The following year the U.S. Congress passed
the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which eliminated all qualifying tests for
registration.
Civil Rights legislation thus, had a major affect
on political adjustments in Chattanooga. By 1971 Blacks in Chattanooga had
moved to hold elective office once again. In so doing the Black Conspiracy has
moved to exploit and harness the Black electoral potential is a subtle reality.
In making an analysis of Black elected officials
in Chattanooga and their supporters, one can pose two questions that give
credence to the Black Conspiracy: Has the socioeconomic and political status of
Blacks improved with the advent of Black elected officials? If not, what is the
utility of electoral politics for improving the socioeconomic and political
status of Blacks?
A review of the record raises questions regarding
the evidence of the Black Conspiracy:
1. Black elected officials and Black political
leaders have over time sought to deny Blacks in the 29th Legislative District equal
representation. In so doing Black political leaders have supported and campaigned
for White candidates whose interest conflict with the interests of the Black
majority that once made up the 29th District.
2. Black elected officials on the state and local
levels in 1981 were part of a conspiracy to redraw the district lines of the
29th Legislative District. This tactic had been widely used throughout the
South to exclude Blacks from equal representation. The restructure of the 29th
District has resulted in a White voting majority, thus limiting the potential
for Blacks to have more than one representative in Hamilton County.
Chapter One: The Origins of the Conspiracy
Chapter Two: Theories of Blacks In
Southern Politics
Chapter Three: The Utility of Electoral Politics For the Black Community
Chapter Four: Precinct Voting Patterns 1965-1982
Chapter Five: Black Leadership and Redistricting of
the 29th District
Chapter Six: Contemporary Black Leadership In Chattanooga, Tennessee
Chapter Seven: Black Organizations
Chapter Eight: The Court Challenge To
The Commission Form of Government
